Good biographies are characterized by a compelling and
engaging account of the subject’s life that is not hagiographic, but takes
seriously the subject’s flaws. At the
same time, biographers should resist the urge to condemn their subjects, except
in rare cases where the subject is an obviously evil person like a Stalin or a
Hitler. Finally, a good biography should
provide just enough information about significant events of the day to place
the subject’s actions in their proper context, but no more; the life and
thought of the subject must remain the central focus.
Paul Finkleman’s Millard
Fillmore, part of the “American Presidents” series of brief presidential
biographies, certainly steers clear of overly praising Fillmore, but it fails
the other tests, for three main reasons
First, while the book is generally well-written, it is not particularly
engaging. Worse, it is highly
repetitive. Finkleman often repeats the
same information two or even three times, without any qualifying verbiage like “as
we have seen…” For example Finkleman
mentions three times that Fillmore was personally opposed to slavery but never
took a public stand on the issue. He
mentions the Priggs v. Pennsylvania
court case once and then later mentions it again as if the reader had never
heard about it. Other examples
abound. In a biography limited to 130 or
140 pages, such repetition is inexcusable.
A second major flaw of Finkleman’s work is that he devotes
too much time to current events, so much so that Fillmore himself is often
pushed to the side. Finkleman seems virtually
obsessed with the 1850 Fugitive Slave Act, devoting approximately 30 of the
book’s 137 pages to it. Fillmore is
absent during much of this discussion.
While there can be no doubt that the Fugitive Slave Act had an enormous
impact on antebellum American history and on the presidency and legacy of
Fillmore, it does not merit nearly 25% of a Fillmore biography. While reading this biography, I sometimes felt
I was reading a history of the Fugitive Slave Act, with a brief introduction and
conclusion about Fillmore.
A third flaw of the biography, and by far the most
significant one, is the lack of balance.
Finkleman has very little good to say about Fillmore and much bad. When narrating Fillmore’s actions and statements,
Finkleman often uses highly pejorative language, verbiage that one would expect
from an internet discussion thread rather than a scholarly biography. Fillmore did not simply “state” things or “speak”;
rather, Finkleman would have us believe, he “blustered” or “grandly declared.” In another instance, Finkleman compares
Fillmore to a “petulant teenager.”
Finkleman’s biography is more of a hit piece than an objective, scholarly
biography.
In Finkleman's defense, the book is not completely without merit. For example, his explanation of the controversy about slavery in the territories (THE most important issue in American politics from 1846-1861) is insightful and concise; in fact, it may be the best I have ever read. Still, this and the few other positives are greatly outweighed by the negatives.
There is little doubt that Millard Fillmore, our second “accidental”
president and the first of three “doughfaces” (northern men with pro-Southern
principles), hardly ranks among our top presidents and probably deserves to be
counted among the 10 worst. Still, he
deserves a better biography than this.
Readers wanting a more objective narration of Fillmore’s life will need
to read Robert Rayback’ 1959 biography, dated and difficult to read as it
is. Or better yet, perhaps someone will
write a new one. How about you?
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