When he became president, Martin Van Buren had everything
going for him. Like Taft in 1908 and
Bush in 1988, Van Buren was the hand-picked successor of a popular outgoing
president at a time when the economy was strong. And yet, Martin Van Buren is never ranked among
our greatest presidents among the few who can even remember his name. Why is this?
Van Buren’s failure as an American chief executive lies in a
combination of lack of a presidential “skill set” and sheer bad luck. Shortly
after Van Buren took office, the US economy collapsed into a depression known
most commonly as the Panic of 1837. As a
faithful Jeffersonian, committed to small government, Van Buren had neither the
inclination nor the precedent to take strong action to combat the Panic. While large numbers of Americans struggled
just to feed themselves and their families, Van Buren’s fondness for fine food
and clothing made him seem like an aristocrat who neither understood nor cared
about the needs of the common people.
This, together with Van Buren’s near total lack of charisma, sealed his
fate as a one-term president.
In Martin Van Buren
and the Emergence of American Popular Politics, historian Joel H. Silbey
presents a sympathetic, if conventional overview of the life of American’s
eighth president. Silbey takes issue
with the common stereotype of “Old Kinderhook” as little more than a master
behind-the-scenes manipulator and a man unwilling to commit to any positions on
the key issues of the day. For Silbey,
Van Buren’s alleged disdain for taking positions was more a result of caution
and prudence than anything else.
Whereas the first generation of America’s political leaders
condemned political parties as harmful to America (even as they nevertheless
divided into them), Van Buren was more realistic. Silbey argues that Van Buren understood that
political factionalism was inevitable, and rather than condemning it or trying
to deny its existence, he embraced it.
Unlike most American leaders before him, Van Buren saw political parties
as good for America; accordingly, he spent most of his political career
creating and strengthening the first modern political party, the Democratic
Party. Clearly, Van Buren’s work in this
regard must be judged as a success, given the Democrats’ domination of American
politics from 1829-1861.
Silbey’s portrait of Van Buren, like the man himself, is
bland and uninspiring. Van Buren lacked
the charisma and/or the exciting life adventures that his predecessors all
had. To be sure, this is not Van Buren’s
fault, but it does not make his story any less boring. One would have hoped that Silbey would have told
us more about Van Buren’s personal life, but he does not. Silbey, however, like all Van Buren
biographers, was limited by the fact that Van Buren burned nearly all of his
personal correspondence late in his life.
Nevertheless, one walks away from this biography knowing much about Van
Buren’s career, but little about the man himself. Readers wanting to get to know Van Buren would
do well to try another biography.
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